This week...I’m so proud to be a Lib Dem
It’s not every day I say this.
But, this week, I am very proud of my party. Or – to be more precise – I am very proud of
a large number of our peers, and our leader Nick Clegg.
It’s not every day that I wax lyrical about members of
our unelected second chamber, and certainly not a frequent occurrence for me to
shower our leader with praise (although there have been moments when I have,
and when such praise has been fully merited).
But this week has demonstrated a number of things: what we can achieve
in government, what we are achieving in government and the difference between
the two. More significantly, we’ve also
seen why we need the Liberal Democrats – a party committed to a liberal society
and social justice will always be needed at the heart of British democracy so
long as the two principal political parties are Labour and the Conservatives.
The euphemistically named Justice and Security Bill was
up for debate in the House of Lords this week.
Even more of a misnomer than the Access to Justice Act of 1999, the Bill
is little more than a continuation and extension of the previous government’s commitment
to eroding our civil liberties. What is
under threat this time, aside from the coalition government’s credibility given
the supposed pledge “to restore the rights of
individuals in the face of encroaching state power, in keeping with [the spirit
of] freedom and fairness”, is the guarantee of open justice. The Bill aims to legislate to replace such a
guarantee, and the civil rights and freedoms inherent within it, with what are
being termed “secret courts”.
Of course, the government doesn’t use
that term – preferring instead another misnomer, “closed material procedure”. It amounts to the same thing. Under the proposals, civil matters in which
national security is claimed to be at risk will take placed behind closed
doors, out of view of the public and – more importantly, as Nick Thornsby
explains in the Guardian – “the claimant, and his or her legal representatives,
will also know nothing of what is presented.”
I’m not saying there isn’t a case for revisiting
how the justice system considers evidence in instances where an obvious threat to
national security exists. What I am
suggesting is that the one being made is ill-conceived. Secrecy is never the answer when the question
relates to matters of justice.
Knowing that the Justice and Security
Bill was to be debated in the Lords, last weekend I spoke to some Liberal
Democrat peers about my concerns. On
Monday, I also signed an open letter to The Times that reads thus:
Your leading article (Nov 19) expressed your paper’s opposition to the Government’s plans for “secret courts”. We, as members of the Liberal Democrats, agree.
On Monday Lord Pannick QC described the Justice and Security Bill as “”unfair, unnecessary and unbalanced”. The issue at stake – open and equal justice – could hardly be more serious. We believe the proposals are neither liberal nor democratic and, for us, go right to the heart of what it means to support liberal democracy.
We urge all peers to vote for the amendment supported by Lord Dubs, Lord Strasburger and Baroness Kennedy which deletes Clause 6 of the Bill. If Clause 6 is deleted, secret courts will not blight our civil courts and our international standing for decades to come. It will also mean that Liberal Democrats across the country can continue to assert, as our constitution states, that our party “exists to safeguard a fair, free and open society”.
Should the Bill pass with secret courts included, the damage to our justice system and our country will be incalculable.
The letter was published on Wednesday,
although the newspaper only printed the names of five of the more senior
signatories, thereby not demonstrating the strength of feeling in the party on
this matter. I was very proud to be a
signatory to a letter making such a simple stance of defiance against the
poorly conceived and potentially catastrophic ambitions of the government.
(As previously advised, on this occasion
I did write to the leader informing him I had signed a letter to a national
newspaper which may be construed as a criticism of his leadership.)
On the vote itself, there were some
defeats for the government in relation to safeguards. These defeats were significant and
undoubtedly mean that the Bill is fundamentally better. On the specific issue of secret courts there
was a significant Liberal Democrat rebellion against the government; a
rebellion that was wrongly crushed but one that showed that there are Lib Dem
parliamentarians who put the principles our party holds dear before slavish
loyalty to government. A list of the 25
peers standing against secret courts includes a mere three Labour peers and no
Conservatives:
Bath and Wells, Bp.
(Non-affiliated)
Brinton, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Clement-Jones, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Doocey, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Dubs, L. [Teller] (Labour)
Greaves, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Hamwee, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Hussain, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Judd, L. (Labour)
Kennedy of The Shaws, B. (Labour)
Kidron, B. (Crossbencher)
Linklater of Butterstone, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Macdonald of River Glaven, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Maclennan of Rogart, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Pannick, L. (Crossbencher)
Roberts of Llandudno, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Scott of Needham Market, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Shipley, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Stern, B. (Crossbencher)
Strasburger, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Thomas of Gresford, L. [Teller] (Liberal Democrat)
Tonge, B.* (Non-affiliated)
Tope, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Walmsley, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Wigley, L.(Plaid Cymru)
Brinton, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Clement-Jones, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Doocey, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Dubs, L. [Teller] (Labour)
Greaves, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Hamwee, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Hussain, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Judd, L. (Labour)
Kennedy of The Shaws, B. (Labour)
Kidron, B. (Crossbencher)
Linklater of Butterstone, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Macdonald of River Glaven, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Maclennan of Rogart, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Pannick, L. (Crossbencher)
Roberts of Llandudno, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Scott of Needham Market, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Shipley, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Stern, B. (Crossbencher)
Strasburger, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Thomas of Gresford, L. [Teller] (Liberal Democrat)
Tonge, B.* (Non-affiliated)
Tope, L. (Liberal Democrat)
Walmsley, B. (Liberal Democrat)
Wigley, L.(Plaid Cymru)
*until very recently a
Liberal Democrat
That Liberal Democrat
peers had the courage and conviction to make a stand against the government and
the man charged with introducing the Bill in the Lords, Jim Wallace, made me
enormously proud. Some of these names
are those of personal friends and I expected nothing other. What was surprising
was the virtual unanimous support among the Conservative and Labour parties for
secret courts, and this fact more than any other underlines the need for a
party that is liberal and democratic – and, moreover, actually values civil
liberty and an open and transparent justice system.
Caron Lindsay, another Lib
Dem opponent of secret courts, was unusually critical of Jim Wallace who she
described as having “a bad day at the office”.
“If he could only take 11 colleagues with him, that should send enough
shock waves through him to make him realise the strength of feeling in the
party.” That neatly sums up the problem
our leading parliamentarians are facing: like the NHS Bill, it’s taken a
conference defeat for the leadership for them to realise quite what the mood is
in the party on this matter. Almost to a
man, we don’t want the principal of open justice undermined. And we don’t care if that offends our
Conservative colleagues.
When the Bill returns to
the Commons, I hope that Liberal Democrat MPs will make their objections a
little more vigorously than they did last time around. In the longer-term, I feel a certain
inevitability about these proposals, unopposed as they are by a Labour Party unwilling
to reverse its less than proud record in relation to civil liberties. But that doesn’t mean that our party should
not provide resistance. There are two
key reasons: firstly, our identity as a party in pursuit of a fair, free and
open society demands it; secondly, a failure by the parliamentary party to
follow the line set at conference risks widening divisions between the
leadership and the grassroots.
Inevitably there are
feelings of frustration but the overriding sense of pride offsets that. It was in the pursuit of such principles as
justice and liberty that I became a Liberal Democrat, and it is in defence of
them that I remain so.
Another thing that made me
very proud this week was Nick Clegg. As
a new dad to be (Xanthe arrived in July this year), I encountered a potential
new employer with unhelpful views in regards paternity entitlement. Their evident inability to grasp why this was
important to me – and a legal right – led to me seeking (and finding)
employment elsewhere. But that’s not really the point – what I really want to
highlight is how British paternity rights have lagged behind those of other
European nations. Frankly, it’s
disgraceful and only entrenches gender inequality and “traditional” notions of
parental roles.
Of course Nick announced
the week previous that new flexible parental leave is soon to become a
reality. The detail of this may not be exactly
what I would have wanted (Clegg himself admitted he would have wanted to go
further with paternity leave, but had to consider the fragile state of the
economy) but ultimately some well overdue progress has been made. And it’s been made because the Liberal
Democrats, and Nick Clegg personally, have been determined to move
forward. It’s part of that fairness
agenda Clegg so often speaks of but too often doesn’t translate into
legislation.
I’m not simply proud of
Nick because he’s announced a useful initiative that will undoubtedly help new
parents. I’m actually proud of him
because, since the announcement, he’s made the effort to remind us how his policy
thrust, with the emphasis on fairness and family, is government by personal
experience. He’s a dad himself and one
who knows he’s more than a bit luckier than many of us. He’s showing a lot more humility and
understanding in the last few weeks that we’re accustomed to and in addition to
the renewed commitment to fairness, there’s also been new efforts to connect
with the membership – this week discussing plans to tackle homelessness.
What he now has to do is
translate that obvious passion for childcare and early years onto issues his
party feels so much stronger about...such as secret courts. Wonderful new initiatives to help new parents
pale into insignificance beside such an unnecessary erosion of civil
liberty. And so, while I’m proud and
pleased at Clegg’s attempts to reconnect with the party and press on with
delivering a fairer deal for many families, the real challenge he has is to persuade
his MPs to follow the party when the Justice and Security Bill returns to the
Commons.
And if he can do that, I
will be really proud...
Comments
But opposition to the justice bill won't be enough, and the Lib Dems must focus all their efforts on differentiating themselves from the Conservatives in other, more concrete ways as well. Forcing their senior coalition partners to cave in to their green wind-farm agenda is certainly a start, but this liberal progress must continue and must be farther reaching if Nick Clegg and his Liberal Democrats are to gain any traction in the polls.
On a separate note, I've just written a nice piece on my blog about Catalonia and Spanish Federalism, which you might find of interest.