An inept reshuffle that underlines Prime Ministerial weakness
Justine Greening (Photo: Standard) |
In advance of the Prime Minister’s cabinet reshuffle, I
thought that the events of yesterday would tell us a great deal about the Prime
Minister, her direction, how well she is able to reinvent and rebrand her party
and how effectively she can revitalise her cabinet.
My expectations were not particularly high, but even I was
surprised by the ineptitude of the attempted reshuffle. It did indeed tell us a
great deal about the Prime Minister and her government, some of it quite
surprising.
From the official party’s twitter account wrongly
congratulating Chris Grayling on becoming Tory Party chair to Theresa May’s
refusal to move any of the key personnel, this attempt at a reshuffle was an
exercise in ineptitude. What was
supposed to be a show of strength and an opportunity to refresh the cabinet has
instead starkly underlined the Prime Minister’s many weaknesses.
Twitter accidents happen, of course, but the Grayling
non-appointment won’t have helped convince anyone that the Conservative Party
is an efficient communications outfit. With the outside world – well, the British
media at least – watching developments eagerly and expecting some kind of
radical shake-up, what actually happened was a series of unambitious
reappointments of less than inspiring ministers. As a reshuffle this was not
only disappointing, but fundamentally futile: what is the point of a reshuffle
when the key protagonists all stay in place, especially when they include David
Davis, Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt?
This was not a reshuffle worthy of the name. Even the oft
quoted “deckchairs, Titanic” metaphor fails here, as the proverbial captain
actually moved the chairs around a bit. A generous commentator might see that
as a sign of confidence in the team, but it is more likely that May has played
safe so avoid political fall-out. Unfortunately, this has served to further
undermine her leadership. It has now become painfully transparent – if ever it
was really in doubt – that those who hold power in the Conservative Party (and
cabinet) are leading Brexiteers that May feels powerless to take on.
If a powerless Prime Minister isn’t worrying enough, the
appointment of Esther McVey as Work and Pensions secretary should chill us all.
This is someone who, as Employment minister, suggested benefit sanctions “teach”JSA claimants to take job seeking seriously and as late as February 2015 defended such sanctions as “effective” in spite of
growing evidence to the contrary. There are surely more suitable people in
the ranks of Conservative parliamentarians for the DWP portfolio, but clearly
McVey has friends in high places.
Equally concerning is the fact that not only is Jeremy Hunt
continuing at Health, but his brief has been expanded to include Social Care. I have for some time championed greater integration of health and
social care, but a merged department is not the way to approach this, and Hunt
is certainly not the ideal person to be overseeing it. Anyone who, during the
recent pressures within the NHS widely claimed to represent a “crisis” refuses
to take any responsibility whatsoever, is hardly the kind of person who should
be rewarded in this way. What has he done to merit this?
May’s ultra-cautious approach and reluctance to move people
makes her removal of Justine Greening from Education all the more inexplicable.
I can’t comment on how effective a
minister she was, but the statements from the teaching unions in the last few
hours must count for something. Greening was certainly competent and understood
her brief; in trying circumstances, she was seeking to positively engage with teachers
and, admirably, kept her focus on young people. As Stephen Bush writes in the New Statesman, May’s ideal Education Secretary would be someone who could “drive
through big reforms...during the first real-terms decrease in school spending
in the modern era, while not becoming a hate figure with parents, teachers,
academics or teaching unions...it’s hard to see how Theresa May will find
someone better than Justine Greening.”
I quipped in my New Year predictions that Philip Hammond may
well be sacked for being too competent. I was half right – I focused on the
wrong person. Competence is clearly not an attribute that matters when it comes
to cabinet appointments. Inept and disloyal people continue, while a strong performer
like Greening is sidelined. The message is clear: ministers who endanger British
citizens abroad or mislead select committees are safe because it would be
political suicide to sack such “personalities”, however deficient. The likes of
Johnson, Fox, Davis and, to a point Hunt, have become untouchable in the
post-referendum political climate. The only person to be effectively sacked was
a woman who was arguably one of the better performers in cabinet.
Greening was offered the opportunity to move to the DWP, and
refused. The Prime Minister was resolved not to back down and the stand-off
ended with Greening’s resignation. Hunt, on the other hand, was offered the
role of Business Secretary and similarly refused, but was able to convince the
Prime Minister to not only keep him at Health but effectively promote him with
additional responsibilities. What does that say about cabinet dynamics? What
does Hunt have that Greening doesn’t? Why was the Prime Minister unable to impose
her will on an under-fire minister like Hunt, capitulating entirely to his
demands, while standing firm against Greening?
As an aside, how can we possibly trust the Prime Minister to
successfully negotiate with the EU to get the deal she wants when she allows herself to be bullied out of a pre-determined course of action by Jeremy Hunt?
Ultimately, Theresa May can’t even manage to carry out a
reshuffle properly. It is clear she is not in charge and, in spite of talk to
the contrary, the cabinet is far from refreshed. It remains stale; worse, it is
full of inept but untouchable ministers who owe their position at the cabinet
table to their Brexit stance. In another era, Johnson would have been sacked
and Davis would have resigned months ago.
Tim Farron got it absolutely right when he tweeted: "That wasn't a reshuffle, it was a half-hearted stir, with all the useless lump bits unmoved in the middle." That's as apt a description as offered by anyone.
Tim Farron got it absolutely right when he tweeted: "That wasn't a reshuffle, it was a half-hearted stir, with all the useless lump bits unmoved in the middle." That's as apt a description as offered by anyone.
What does this mean for May? I think she has made a huge
mistake in her appointments and has undermined her own fading authority. If I
can draw a parallel to a previous Prime Minister who demoted a competent
colleague in a reshuffle back in 1989, Greening now has the potential to be as
difficult for May as Geoffrey Howe was to Thatcher. Neither Howe nor Greening were ever
likely rebels but May has now created a potential troublemaker, with many
influential allies and a strongly pro-remain constituency, and allowed her onto the
backbenches. Greening has the potential
to be equally as dangerous as Johnson or Davis, perhaps more so.
All that bold talk of "strong and stable leadership" last year has now been shown up for the vacuous nonsense it was. The Prime Minister is far from strong; indeed, she appears to be even weaker than most commentators imagined.
All that bold talk of "strong and stable leadership" last year has now been shown up for the vacuous nonsense it was. The Prime Minister is far from strong; indeed, she appears to be even weaker than most commentators imagined.
The reshuffle has failed in its key objectives: to detoxify
the party in the public mind, to provide a freshness at the cabinet table and
to demonstrate the Prime Minister’s authority. As reshuffles go, it was
undeniably amateurish – but the real question is whether May’s treatment of
Justine Greening will come back to haunt her.
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